In Part I of this essay I drew to the reader’s attention to some of the flaws of the materialistic statal model of the West. I suggested that the materialistic state essentially existed as a repudiation of the traditional spiritual state which bases itself upon metaphysical objectivism—the doctrine in philosophy that there are verities which exist above and beyond man, which shape the course of human affairs and which are to be necessarily submitted to due to their inviolability.
Whereas the economistic, materialistic state reduces everything to matter and, under capitalism, champions a form of consumerist populism with leveling implications, the spiritual state draws men to strive for higher ideals and higher callings which encourage, in Nietzschean terms, “self-overcoming”, rather than the reduction of people to what Evola termed the “vegetative life”.
In the materialistic state the individual is told he is a sovereign, rational, economic actor. This myth of the free, autonomous individual lends itself to egocentrism of the kind which is particularly rife in the North American setting where the pursuit of immediate pleasure and self-aggrandizement is the norm and self-abnegation and asceticism the exception. The hostile elite group which has taken over the West has partially been able to do so due to the individualistic mindset which the materialistic state encourages within society.
In the spiritual state, contrastingly, there exists a sacred Order, which rigid though it may seem, often enables enhanced liberty and freedom, individually and collectively, due to a lack of the instability and dissention which the materialistic state creates (and then often responds to with totalitarian mechanisms).  Society has an unbreakable backbone enabling a psychological stability which lends itself to the development of high civilization.
Although much of the efforts that have been undertaken to “other” the Islamic world have been sophistic and have relied upon disingenuous arguments, there are some areas where marked civilizational differences can be identified. One such difference is between certain theories of the state. The Islamic Republic of Iran, for example, is a state whose ideological underpinning is based upon a spiritual understanding of the world, whereas the states of the West are largely temporal vehicles of materialism and secularism.
It seems then that in order to foster further understanding between the much maligned Islamic world and the West that the disparate conceptions of the spiritual state and the materialistic state need to be compared and contrasted. Here one ought not necessarily be restricted to the Islamic conception of the spiritual state as history furnishes us with myriad examples of such states which share many of the same traits.
The main scholar to turn to when attempting to distinguish the materialistic state from the spiritual state in occidental scholastics is Julius Evola (1898-1974). He rejected the post-Enlightenment world in toto, professing nostalgia for the transcendent state of what he termed “the world of Tradition”, which he defined in his magnum opus, Revolt Against the Modern World, based on universal criteria observable in multiple civilizations. Evola famously authored critiques of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism from the perspective of the authentic Right (which he distinguished from the inauthentic, economically deterministic Right which in fact promotes variants of Classical Liberalism), criticizing both movements for not fully overcoming the rationalistic, egalitarian and populist trappings of modernity.
A website dedicated to commemorating the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Pearl Harbor attack has posted a review of Japan Bites Back.
The reviewer states:
It details the views of the Japanese government and the Japanese people at the time of the war, and during the aftermath of the war. Since this time, the majority of people have believed that Japan struck out against the United States because Japan wanted to rule the world. The author of this book argues that this was not the case.
Some of the documents in the book suggest that the Japanese were predicting that communism was about to engulf China. We now know that China did succumb to communism in the late 1940s, and Mr. Blakeney makes us wonder what else were in the documents that Japan lost while they were occupied by American forces.
At a minimum, this book is interesting because of the Japanese historical documents it discusses.
In the comments section beneath the review someone purporting to be John Koster, author of Operation Snow, complimented the book also. The commenter writes: “The Japanese documents that JAPAN BITES BACK offers are well worth the price of the book to any serious historian.”
I am a supporter of Japan improving her military capacity as this is a prerequisite for her regaining her sovereignty from the Internationalists who attempted to set Japan’s demilitarized, emasculated status in stone via the 1951 San Fransisco Peace Treaty and the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan which was ratified in 1960.
If liberal observers reject the Israeli proposal that Palestinians consent to demilitarization as part of their attainment of statehood and sovereignty then they should equally refuse to accept the intolerable idea that the fine people of Japan should be without a modern military to defend themselves against adversaries.
However, Japanese militarization would be futile were the country’s military to end up being in control of those very forces she needs to obtain independence from. Genuine nationalists both within Japan and elsewhere should be sure to expose any abuse of Japanese militarization by those who would like to transform Japan into a pawn of the destroyers of nations.
Having watched Canada undergo militarization in the service of the U.S. and Israel I am fully aware of the possibility of comparatively peaceful nations morphing into attack dogs for the corrosive forces of Internationalism.
A Korean academic, Park Yu-ha, has reportedly been indicted for libel by Korean authorities for a scholarly book she wrote which challenged the claim that Korean WWII comfort women were “sex slaves”. This comes only months after the Seoul Eastern District Court ordered the “deletion of parts of the book”, Comfort Women of the Empire: The Battle Over Colonial Rule and Memory, which portrays those Korean ladies who provided sexual services to Japanese soldiers during the War as having been run-of-the-mill prostitutes rather than women subjected to state-sanctioned sexual slavery.
Many Korean citizens have reportedly taken offence to the implicit allegation that Korean men stood idly by and watched Japanese soldiers barge into their homes and drag their womenfolk off to a life of sexual servitude during the 1930s and 40s. Several prominent Korean academics and journalists have thus joined Japanese intellectuals in critiquing the official historical discourse on this subject.
Park’s indictment comes just days after a German octogenarian, Ursula Haverbeck, was sentenced to ten months in prison without parole for claiming that the Auschwitz concentration camp was a labour camp rather than an extermination camp.
The “lawfare” waged against intellectuals who challenge fashionable historical interpretations of WWII is extremely conspicuous and will no doubt encourage free-thinking individuals to look skeptically into the sanctified subjects which they might otherwise not have been compelled to reevaluate.
Some skeptics believe that countries like Russia, Britain and the United States want to cover up their crimes, such as the rape of up to two million German women, during the War and thus have embellished and overemphasized the wrongdoings of the Axis forces.
The new edition of René Guénon’s book The Crisis of the Modern World offers the opportunity for a critical account, which may be of some interest, of the author’s leading ideas. These ideas are closely connected with the problem of the relations between East and West and of the fate that awaits our civilization as a whole. They are all the more interesting as Guénon dissents from all those who for some time now have been writing about the “decline of the West,” the “crisis of the European spirit,” and so forth—all ideas which today, after the new collapse brought about by World War II, have again come to the fore with renewed vigor.
Guénon does not deal with individual cases and confused reactions, nor does he deal with philosophy in the current sense of the word; his ideas originate from Tradition in a broad and impersonal sense. Unlike the writers alluded to above—Spengler, Ortega y Gasset, Huizinga, Massis, Keyserling, Benda—Guénon does not spiritually belong to the modern world; he bears witness to a different world, and he makes no mystery of the fact that he owes his knowledge to a great extent to the direct contact he has had with the exponents of the traditional East.
Below are excerpts from Ōkawa Shūmei’s Asia, Europe, Japan, originally published in 1926. Asia, Europe, Japan also appeared in full in his 1943 publication Construction ofThe New Order in Greater East Asia. I have been working on a translation of parts the latter text for some time. The original Japanese-language version of the text can be accessed here.
The specific passages published herein were translated for the purposes of the Tokyo War Crimes Trial. Ōkawa was initially arraigned by the International Military Tribunal for the Far East for his pro-Japanese speeches and writings but would eventually be exempted from the proceedings upon being diagnosed with mental afflictions. We can assume, therefore, that these excerpts were selected by those involved in prosecuting Ōkawa because they were believed to have provided the most damning evidence of his supposed “crimes”.
Philosophically, I am particularly interested in his observation that “Asia, speaking of it in its entirety, has really been a seminary for the spirit of mankind while Europe has been a school for cultivating the knowledge of mankind.”
Enlightenment rationalism has gutted the West of its indigenous spirituality leading European-derrived cultures to be largely devoid of anything culturally meaningful beyond the scope of scientific reasoning. This has made Europeans spiritless and lifeless and thus more easily controlled by ill-intentioned hostile elites. I share the belief that Ōkawa held that Asia could offer a remedy for the loss of an authentic, rooted spirituality in the West.
In these prose we are exposed to Ōkawa’s belief that the then looming clash of civilizations he prophesized would ultimately lead to a synthesis of European and Asian civilizations. Clearly, Ōkawa didn’t deny Japan’s need to absorb the extraordinary knowledge produced by Europeans. It seems likewise us Europeans ought not to ignore Asia’s advancement in matters spiritual. It seems our lack of ancestor worship and our dearth of animistic nature worship renders us particularly out of kilter with the Asiatic spiritual trajectory to which Ōkawa refers in the following words.
Asia, Europe, Japan
By Ōkawa Shūmei
We must admit that it is very clear that as long as one sticks to the present status quo and the other strives to destroy it, this effort to reconstruct Asia will be contradictory to the aim of the League of Nations–also a product of the World War [One]. Regardless of how the platform of the League of Nations may be decorated with rhetorical flourishes it is after all an organization which is meant to eternally maintain the international status quo and is by no means based upon the new internationalism. Moreover, [illegible word] not the status quo of the world actually imply the domination of the world by the Anglo-Saxons. Therefore, the League of Nations exists in order to enable the Anglo-Saxons to be the permanent dominators of the world. One of the reasons why Japan is called the only black spot in dawning Asia is also because Japan joined the League of Nations. . .