This is a portion of Ralph Townsend’s article “Our Slump in Foreign Pets” which was originally published in The North American Review in August 1933. We sense in this piece Townsend’s frustration with the self-flagellating universalism of liberals and Christians, which he believed made Americans prone to exploitation by cynical out-groups. His frustration with the way who was or was not the “underdog” du jour impinged upon American foreign policy, is exhibited in his later writings.
When we stop showering unappreciated favors on the Chinese, our market should be saturated.
There are signs that we are soon to be without a foreign pet—without any journalistically chosen foreign country or distant people upon whom our sensation-stirring writers and plaintive orators may loose eulogies to wring extravagant sympathy out of average Americans. China, our last and longest foreign pet, seems about to pass from the roster as more and more intelligent opinion filters back to correct misinformation here. There is no successor in sight.
I’ve voiced a great deal of criticism of so-called “hate speech” legislation in Canada in recent years. Unlike the people of Japan, I happen to live in a country where people are regularly criminalized for expressing opinions which the Canadian State labels “hateful”. One of my missions in life, therefore, has been to attempt to contribute to the debate that is taking place currently in Japan about whether or not such inane laws should be incorporated into Japanese jurisprudence.
It appears a great deal of money is being poured into think tanks and political organizations which are favourable toward such legislation in Japan. The mayor of Japan’s second largest city of Osaka, Tōru Hashimoto, is one political-actor who has been zealously promoting the idea that certain forms of inter-ethnic political criticism should be stamped out via the enactment of “hate speech” laws. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and many of his colleagues, however, have not been as supportive. This differs from the West where approximately 98% of legislators are happy to see bloggers, historians and political analysts thrown in jail for their ethnographic analyses.
“Hate speech” laws imply that ethnic minorities ought to be exempted from criticism. The main flaw of such legislation is that it fails to allow for a consideration of the power and influence held by the often politically-active ethnic groups being critiqued. Certain criticisms of the activities of the leadership of certain politicized ethnic groups may be in the public interest but “hate speech” legislation essentially abolishes criticism of such potential power brokers. The assumption is that if you’re a member of an ethnic minority then you’re, ipso facto, a vulnerable underdog in need of protection from the State.
Here is a summary of the absurd trial of Arthur Topham by Michael Hoffman:
Quesnel, British Columbia, October 27 — Canadian Arthur Topham, 68, is a British Columbia (B.C.) placer miner who in his spare time operates the “Radical Press,” a website. On May 16, 2012 he was on his way to work at his mining operation when he was arrested by several police officers, handcuffed and charged with a “hate crime.”
Topham was charged with a single count of “willfully promoting hatred against people of the Jewish religion or ethnic group,” as well as “improper storage of firearms” found in his house near Quesnel, B.C.
“The branch has approved charges against him,” said Neil MacKenzie of the B.C. Criminal Justice Branch. MacKenzie said British Columbia’s assistant deputy attorney general had signed off on the hate crimes charge.
I have recently been evaluating the conflicting viewpoints on the subject of World War II comfort women and intend to summarize them in future posts on this nascent blog. For now, I thought QJH readers might find this CNN interview with Komori Yoshihisa of Japan’s Sankei Shumbun thought-provoking. He provides some but not all of the main protestations Japanese comfort-women-skeptics make against those who opt to emphasize the relationship between prostitutes and the Japanese military during WWII in their discourse.
I recently acquired a copy of the book The Trial on Trial (1946) by Lawrence Dennis and Maximilian St. George which recounts the Orwellian Great Sedition Trial of 1944. During that trial many American intellectuals were prosecuted for their pro-neutrality arguments. Dennis was one of the accused and St. George was a defence attorney involved in the proceedings.
Chomsky in the above video condones the “totalitarian society” which enabled the persecution of intellectuals who spoke for the 86% of Americans who opposed military intervention in Europe and Asia. Chomsky can be seen opining:
“during the Second World War, the forms of authority
—we had a totalitarian society basically—
and I thought that there was
some justification for that”
WWII propaganda claimed that the world was witnessing an epic tussle between the forces of Democracy and those of Totalitarianism. In reality the Allied regimes were just as totalitarian as the Axis ones. The criminalization of those who reject the FDR administration’s version of the events of WWII continues to this day, with revisionist historians in Western nations often finding themselves being incarcerated for their historical conclusions.
Chomsky has encouraged Westerners to embrace weak, anarchistic political dispensations in their nations throughout his academic career. Such prescriptions would only allow illiberal political actors such as the Zionists to further colonize our nations. However, when push came to shove in the 1930s and 40s it seems that pro-Communist, Zio-friendly totalitarianism had “some justification” for the putative “anarchist”.
This video features John Koster, author of the book Operation Snow: How a Soviet Mole in FDR’s White House Triggered Pearl Harbor. In the video he discusses the treasonous activities of Harry Dexter White who worked from 1934 in the U.S. Treasury with Henry Morgenthau of the infamous Morgenthau Plan. Koster opines:
White was able to start a war between the Japanese and the United States that neither country wanted, that the United States wasn’t ready for and that the Japanese knew that they couldn’t possibly win.
Like Canada, Australia, France and most other Western nations today, the Soviet Union persecuted, as State-policy, critics of Jews and Jewish culture. This, needless to say, favourably disposed many Jews to Communism, some of whom actively connived to subordinate the national interests of their host nations to those of the philo-Semitic Soviet regime.
Harry Dexter White was one such Jewish supporter of Communism who made decisions from his influential position which prioritized Jewish and Soviet interests over those of the majority of people in the U.S., who were at the time overwhelmingly isolationist. As I write in the introduction to my Japan Bites Back “such pro-Soviet Jews created circumstances wherein the prospect of a German-Japanese, East-West attack on the philo-Semitic Soviet regime was thwarted via the dragging of the U.S. into war with Japan.”
This is of course relevant today because many of the methods developed to demonize and isolate Japan and drag the U.S. into war, have been reutilized by largely Jewish neoconservatives to foment strife between the U.S. people and the people of those countries which refuse to submit to Israeli hegemony in the Middle East, most notably the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Today, January 26, 2015, I interviewed Professor Cemil Aydin, member of the History department at the University of North Carolina and author of the thought-provoking text The Politics of Anti-Westernism in Asia. We covered a wide range of topics during the show, including:
The differences and similarities between the Ottoman Empire’s Pan-Islamism and Imperial Japan’s Pan-Asianism
Orientalism, reverse-Orientalism and overcoming essentialized geographies
The contradiction between the West’s promotion of a universal modernity and the ethnic exceptionalism inherent to European imperialism
Japanese modernization as a threat to Western hegemony and Communist expansionism in Asia
Paul Richard and Occidental defences of Japanese civilizational discourses
The orientalization of seemingly inorganic ideologies in Asia
Perceived biases in the historiography of WWII
Shūmei Ōkawa and the evolution of Pan-Asianist ideology
Justice Radhabinod Pal’s dissentient verdict at the Tokyo Trials and its implications for the victors’ history of WWII
The pros and cons of developing counterfactual historical narratives
The benefits of the multipolar world for peripheral nations
N.B. – Prof. Cemil Aydin does not necessarily support or endorse the content and basic arguments of Non-Aligned Media or Questioning Japanese History.
This NHK documentary provides the hidden history of the Tokyo Trials. It shows how the principled decision of Justice Radhabinod Pal to judge the vanquished Japanese leaders by the standards of pre-existing International Law—rather than by the standards of ex post facto law made in the aftermath of the War—caused many headaches for the Allied judges involved in the proceedings. palIn particular, the British Government is shown to have been strongly concerned that Pal’s delegitimization of the assumptions of the Tokyo Charter would undermine the verdicts rendered at Nuremberg in 1946.
The prosecution of the German leadership was also based upon the application of retroactive law. In other words, the leadership of the Axis forces were prosecuted for acts which were not crimes in International Law at the time of their commission. Pal was aware of the farcical nature of such juridical proceedings and expressed his legally-sound conclusions in a lengthy dissentient verdict. As the documentary mentions, this dissentient verdict was not read out in court and many judges worked behind the scenes to have Pal dismissed from the bench when it became clear that he was intending to base his verdict upon the established law. Still to this day most people are unaware that a judge found all those on trial in Tokyo in 1948 innocent.
By Joshua Blakeney
The above video presents the filmic rendition of Yukio Mishima’s play Patriotism (1961). An English-language copy of the radical nationalist play can be obtained here.
Patriotism depicts the final hours of the lives of Takeyama Shinji and his loving spouse, Reiko, whom, upon being entangled in the partisanship inherent to the abortive coup d’état of February 26, 1936, resolve to commit ritual suicide. Mishima deftly captures the tension and spasms of emotion that would afflict any couple seeking to fill their final hours prior to committing seppuku.
Yukio Mishima (1925-1970) was a Japanese author, playwright and political philosopher who staged a symbolic coup d’état in November 1970, with the ostensible goal of reinstating Japan’s traditional Emperor-centered political system. He committed ritual suicide after the uprising failed to gain traction.
The reader agonizes as he witnesses a passionate, recently-wedded couple having to make the ultimate sacrifice of subordinating the personal for love of Emperor and nation. “This is neither a comedy nor a tragedy” said Mishima of Patriotism, “[t]o choose the place where one dies is. . .the greatest joy in life. And such a night as the couple had was their happiest. Moreover, there was no shadow of a lost battle over them; the love of these two reaches to an extremity of purity, and the painful suicide of the soldier is equivalent to an honourable death on the battlefield.” The healthy copulations of the couple and their submission to ritual is almost deployed metaphorically by the revolutionary conservative as a perceived microcosm of organic nationhood, one feels.
The two factions of the Imperial Army which clashed in the Ni Ni Roku Incident were the restive Kōdōha, or Imperial Way Faction—who wanted to strike north against the Soviet Union—and the more established Tōseiha, or Control Faction, which wanted to strike south against Dutch and British possessions primarily. The coup was spawned by an attempt by the Tōseiha to have many of their Kōdōha rivals deployed to Manchuria to remove them from Tokyo, where all political decisions of any import were made. The Kōdōha, instigated the uprising to prevent that marginalization from coming to fruition and to ultimately institute certain reforms.
The leaders of the coup agitated for what was termed a “Showa Restoration” to reinstate a more organic and indigenized political process to the Nipponese archipelago. There was a perception that many of those who were in the immediate inner circle of power were foreign educated and were seeking to apply alien, extrinsic values to Japanese society. The insurgents wanted to establish a more physiocratic society wherein the peasantry would be unified with the Emperor in a soft form of Shinto authoritarianism. This initiative would be the optimal means of stabilizing Japan at a time when Internationalists were extensively meddling in Asia, they believed.
Lieutenant Takeyama, in the play, intuitively sides with the Kōdōha over their rivals, thinking them to be more authentically patriotic, but knows he is to be mobilized the next day to lock horns with its members, as the Emperor had arbitrated in favour of the entrenched Tōseiha faction which intended to promptly crush the rebellion. Not being able to bring himself to put down the proponents of the Showa Restoration, the young Lieutenant is forced to decide to end his and his wife’s lives.
One of Mishima’s radicalisms was his post-war support for the Young Officers who instigated the Ni Ni Roku attempted seizure of power. Mishima, like the insurrectionists, believed that Emperor Showa (Hirohito) had been under the influence of corrupt, foreign educated usurpers and that patriotic Japanese nationalists within the military had had a duty to sweep aside those who were misguiding the nation. Mishima would become controversial in Japan for his criticism of the Emperor’s suppression of the rebellion and his total submission to the American invaders.
The black and white film, which appeared in English under the title of The Rite of Love and Death, was produced by Mishima in the ancient Noh dramaturgical form. Like many radical rightists, Mishima was skilled at melding the classical with the modern to produce a revolutionary aesthetic which was still traditionally oriented.
Earlier this week I shared the first hour of my recent Red Ice Radio appearance which seems to have been well received. I’ve been contacted by many Red Ice listeners thanking me for my analysis. As such, I thought it might be useful to share a segment of the second hour of that show which is only accessible in toto to members of Red Ice Creations. Topics broached in this sample of the interview include:
The motivations for dropping atomic bombs upon the people of Hiroshima and Nagasaki
The theatrics of the Cold War
Japan’s role in the founding of the Non-Aligned Movement
The import of debunking “just war” discourses
False-flag terrorism and the fraudulent “war on terrorism”
Ideological constraints on historical research in Western academia
Michel Foucault’s thought in relation to historical revisionism
In this episode of The Real Deal the guest, James Perloff, contextualizes the pre-WWII demonization of Japan which spawned the subsequent attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. The historical record shows that throughout the 1930s and into the 1940s Japan had made several overtures to the US government to avert war and that Tokyo’s peace-offensives were met with hostility, economic sanctions and military provocations by Washington. The motivations behind the FDR administration’s antipathy toward Japan are explored in the show.
Perloff provides evidence that the FDR administration contained many individuals who secretly supported the Soviet Union, in particular because of its philo-Semitism. Such pro-Soviet infiltrators wanted to see Communism spread to Asia, especially to China, where Japan was singlehandedly fending off Marxist Internationalism. Pursuant to this end, Japan, being the main powerhouse of anti-Communism in the region, would have to be weakened and ultimately removed from the equation.
The history of Japan’s role in Manchuria is explained within the context of these geopolitical verities.
As with the recent episode of The Real Deal featuring Thomas Kimmel—grandson of the scapegoated Admiral Husband E. Kimmel—the deceptive and corrupt government “investigations” into the events of December 7, 1941 are addressed.